An Overview of Attitude Towards Selected Aspects of Electoral Programs of Polish Political Groups Taking Part in the 2014 Elections to the European Parliament

Elections to the European Parliament (EP), because of its role in establishing the legal order in member states of the European Union (EU), should become increasingly crucial among all the direct elections in which Poles participate in our country’s political system. But the results of analyses carried out by various research institutions indicate that, in Polish public opinion, the elections to the EP are the least important in terms of the meaning they have for Poles. Since the start of their organization, these elections have consistently come second (in terms of significance) to domestic elections – Presidential, Parliamentary, and local. Yet these elections, for many reasons, were actually the most important of all European elections so far. The following paper is an attempt at answering the question of importance of the issues of Polish membership in the EU, EU’s functioning and policy, economic and some selected socio-cultural (especially moral and religious) problems. To answer that question, there was made an analysis of the program documents of all parties participating in the 2014 elections to the EP, as well as of party leaders’ statements, mostly posted on the Internet (i.e. on the political groups’ websites). The analysis was conducted taking into consideration three areas: • Political – expansion of the Eurozone into Poland, the possibility of blocking treaties by particular member countries, a common EU foreign policy, the idea of “European solidarity”, the assessment of the integration process, and potential sanctions to be placed by the EU on Russia; • Economic – commercialization and privatization of the health care system, the problem of government interference in the economy, environmental protection at the cost of economic development, decreasing expenses as a means of fighting the economic crisis, and employee redundancies; • Moral-religious – the possibility of legalizing unions by homosexual couples, the legalization of abortion and marijuana for personal use, the possibility of trading on Sundays and holidays, the introduction of sexual education into schools, the separation of church and state by removing religious symbols from the public sphere, as well as the impossibility of financing churches through public funds.


INTRODUCTION
According to the decision of the European Council of 14 June 2013, on 22-25 May 2014, in the 28 EU countries, elections to the European Parliament for the VIII parliamentary term (2014)(2015)(2016)(2017)(2018)(2019) were conducted [European Council Decision of 28 June 2013 establishing the composition of the European Parliament O.J L 181, 29/06/2013 P. 0057-0058 213/312/EU].In Poland, where, since 2004, such an event constitutes a permanent part of the calendar of political events, election took place for the third time.Thus, although it was not a debut, it is still a relatively new experience in the ten-year history of the state as a member of the European Union.
Since 1979, every 5 years, EU citizens elect their representatives to the European Parliament which, in accordance with Article 10 of the Treaty on European Union, expresses their will (unlike the Council, which represents the member states), thus ensuring participation in decision-making organization, in accordance with the rules of democracy being a fundamental principle of the Union.
The complex nature of the European Union and the location, role and functioning of the Parliament as a transnational body, affect the specific nature of elections.from the very beginning, they are the subject of scientific discussions and various analyzes.This phenomenon, only because of the huge electorate (more than 500 million people) and the number of the participating political parties is fascinating, however, other features of the elections at this level determine their uniqueness as well.
In the literature they are called the "second order" elections (although this "secondary" character is increasingly weakening) [Trechsel 2009: 4], according to the terms presented in Karlheinz Reif and Hermann Schmitt's studies conducted after the first election [Trechsel 2009: 3].They play only a complementary/supplementary role in relation to national elections, and are considered a kind of test before the next elections.This is due to many causes, including complex structure of the EU, which must decentralize the debates by moving them to the nation-states.On the other hand, among others, the scope of activities of the European Parliament, which deals with matters unlikely to require broader social participation [Tosiek 2006: 82].Thus, typical for the European elections is the focus of political programs on national issues and the marginalization of European ones, which are placed too far away from the citizens to be identified with them.Therefore, it is natural that interest in voting is low, resulting in lower than in national elections participation.Moreover, voters rather assess the ruling party by giving them support or not.Here, smaller and newly established parties have a chance to succeed.This analysis, carried out over 30 years ago, still appears to be adequate, despite the changes in the Union and strengthened role of the European Parliament.Democracy at the supranational level, seems to be much more complicated in practical application.The turnout in the next election falls (from almost 62% in 1979 to a record low level of 42.54% in 2014).However, in the last two classes only insignificantly (42.97% in 2009) [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/elections2014-results/en/election-results-2009.html], and awareness of the importance of participation continues to increase due to the visible effects of the activities of the Parliament.Most EU citizens recognize participation in elections to the European Parliament as the best way to ensure the opportunity to be heard by EU decision makers -almost six out of ten EU citizens believe that the right to vote in the European elections is the best way to ensure the opportunity to be heard by EU  As already mentioned, in Poland, the European Parliament elections were held three times -in 2004 (less than a few weeks after the accession), 2009 and 2014.Each of them took place in other political circumstances, but with decreasing frequency [http://www.europarl.europa.eu/elections2014-results/en/turnout.html].The available number of analyzes show that the specificity of these choices is also confirmed in the case of Poland [see: Gagatek 2009].
In this article, attention is focused on the content of political programs of individual parties participating in the political competition.As noted by A. fuksiewicz, "party programs are extremely difficult to compare.They do not refer (...) to a uniform set of EU policies.They focus on selected issues.Moreover, a significant part of the program does not refer to actions that could be taken in the European Parliament.These are often general statements and not the demands of the program (...).Often, moreover, these statements relate to the national policy, not European" [fuksiewicz 2014: 4] .
In their programs, political parties present attitude towards European integration (strength, pace, range), i.e. place of Poland in the organization and relations with the European Union (the problem of subsidiarity and solidarity, understood as the supremacy of Union's interest over the particular interests of the member states) and the Union's policy (not policies, although these can also be found in the programs) on key issues.These issues are not as important as those related to the economy and the socio-cultural matters (often closely related).
Since the latter are not implemented in national countries, they are transferred to the EU level with the expectation that it will become a reality in supranational arena (or following the next national elections).The EU, as a democratic entity with success in the field of protection of individual human rights, is a specific instance to which representatives of contentious positions are turning to with hopes of making some solutions and then enforce them with the support of a supranational organization.
The purpose of this article is to present the most important issues contained in the programs of political parties in the European Parliament elections in 2014.Due to practical difficulties in comparing the differences in programs' quality, content and its size, the focus is on the following issues: relations with the EU, issues related to its politics and its underlying principles, and problems of economic and socio-cultural character.
An attitude to the organization and conditions of membership, economic and socio-cultural aspects are highlighted according to the main criteria of the Union's activities (economy, society) and in a holistic approach considering it as an organization with a specific structure.It is a supranational organization of political-economic and social character, an international, supranational legal entity.Its base is a single market supporting development and strengthening of homogeneity in terms of well-being which is so important to preserve and nurture European Community's different values in particular countries.
Current crisis situation requires some solutions.finally, the European differences clash on transnational forum using the freedom of movement, the possibility of cultural diffusion.Issues such as abortion, legalization of drugs, homosexual marriage, etc. are important to society as considered as basic human rights that cannot be discriminated.Not only the state, as a whole, differs in its views, but the national scene is usually highly divided.European dialogue could lead to unify positions on basic issues through legal regulations and their implementation in domestic orders, which is what is expected by representatives of different views.
This analysis is only an overview of programs for the purpose of comparative analyzes possibly carried out in the future.

ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT IN 2014
Elections in 2014 had a special significance.As pointed out by the European Commission, "They will be the first since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, which strengthened the democratic foundations of the Union and reinforced the role and the powers of the European Parliament.They are also taking place at a key moment for European integration, in a context where the EU is taking decisive action to exit the crisis which has far reaching consequences amongst citizens" [KE: Sprawozdanie Komisji dla Parlamentu Europejskiego, Rady, Europejskiego Komitetu Ekonomiczno-Społecznego i Komitetu Regionów.W kierunku bardziej demokratycznych wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego.Sprawozdanie z realizacji zaleceń Komisji z dnia 12 marca 2013 r. dotyczących usprawnienia demokratycznego i skutecznego przeprowadzania wyborów do Parlamentu Europejskiego, Bruksela, dnia 27.3.2014r. COM(2014)  It seems also that these elections were actually the most important of all European elections so far mostly because of the economic crisis in the European Union and the situation in Ukraine.But, as a very important factor, a new, stronger role of the European Parliament should be taken into account.
A student, a designer, a businesswoman, a farmer… Those are a few of the over 400 Europeans who decided about European leadership in May."We've got the opportunity to be a part of something truly great.(…) We must be a part of the union and vote," said retired landscape architect Ricardo [excerpted from a social campaign spot meant to encourage Europeans to vote in the elections to the European Parliament (EP), http://www.elections2014.eu/pl/news-room/content/20140428STO45334/html/Daj-si%C4%99-zainspirowa%C4%87-i-zag%C5%82osuj!].Yet, despite the fact that in the European Parliament -whose legislative, budgetary, investigating and consultative powers have decidedly been strengthened under the Treaty of Lisbon -strategic decisions are made concerning citizens of the European Union (EU), the elections to the EP largely fail to arouse the interest of Poles.Research conducted by CBOS (Center for Public Opinion Research) [see: CBOS announcement, Zainteresowanie wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Interest in the elections to the European Parliament), february 2014 (A.Cybulska)] clearly shows that in the Polish public opinion the elections to the EP are the least important among all direct elections that Poles participate in under the current political system in their country.This is in spite of the fact that the EP's impact on the legal structures of member countries is significant.In terms of their meaning for Poles, the EP elections, unchangeably since their start, have come far behind domestic ones -presidential, parliamentary, and local.And so, in the Poles' first elections to the EP in June 2004, only 20.87% of those eligible cast their vote [according to the National Electoral Commission (Państwowa Komisja Wyborcza), http:// pe2004.pkw.gov.pl/].This is a much lower percentage than in all national elections so far.The level of interest among Poles in voting in the EP elections at that time was also lower compared to most other EU member states [Zainteresowanie wyborami…,p. 1].Of all 25 countries that were choosing representatives to the EP, only Slovakia noted a lower voter turnout [ibid.].Such an insignificant interest in the 2004 elections was explained at the time as the effect of insufficiently preparing citizens for voting, a weak awareness campaign, as well as a weak electoral offer.However, the next elections in June 2009 attracted only a slightly higher number of voters; again, a mere 24.53% of eligible voters [according to the National Electoral Commission, http://pe2009.pkw.gov.pl/PUE/PL/WYN/f/index.htm].Keeping in mind the voter turnout in this year's "Euroelections", it seems that after 10 years the knowledge and experience gained by Poles has failed to change their attitude to these particular elections."Elections of members of the European Parliament representing Poland are deemed important only by little over a third of eligible voters (36%).The majority, three fifths of those surveyed (60%), see the elections as an event of little (29%) or minimal (31%) importance.Poles attach the most importance to local government elections -55% of those surveyed perceive them as important; followed by the Polish presidential elections (52%) and Polish parliamentary elections (48%)" [Zainteresowanie wyborami…, p. Poles received most of their information about political parties, committees, and candidates to the EP from informational and publicity programs shown on television (58%) and from political spots and advertisements (52%), mostly aired on radio and television [CBOS announcement, Odbiór kampanii wyborczej i aktywność polityczna w Internecie (Reception of the electoral campaign and political activity on the Internet), July 2014 (M.feliksiak, p.1)].
Graph 2. Sources of information about political parties, committees, and candidates to the European Parliament in 2014 (%).
In turn, the electoral registers of candidates have said much about the low level of involvement of the "political class": here one can find many names with no connection to politics -celebrities, athletes, actors, or "unemployed" politicians who have treated the European Parliament as a means of filling time until the next national elections, while they have clearly had no intention of appearing frequently in Brussels.furthermore, the electoral campaign was rather sluggish and not very substantive, dominated largely by two political committees, PO and PiS.The remaining, smaller, committees and the PSL electoral committee were marginalized by both the public and commercial media [Kampania wyborcza do Parlamentu Europejskiego w głównych wydaniach serwisów informacyjnych TVP SA, TVN, Polsat, TV Trwam, TV Republika i Superstacja w okresie 10-23 maja 2014 r.Wnioski z monitoringu.Oprac.Zespół Departamentu Mediów Publicznych, http://www.krrit.gov.pl/[The electoral campaign to the European Parliament in the main news programs of TVP SA, TVN, Polsat, TV Trwam, TV Republika, and Superstacja between 10-23 May 2014.Conclusions from monitoring.Ed. by Public Media Department Team].In electoral messages, the most attention was paid to the rivalry between the two largest political parties, PO and PiS, and to their campaign tactics.Yet, the media spoke to a much lesser degree about the parties' political programs themselves or about candidates' outlooks; these were generally divided into two categories -either supporters of the European Union or Eurosceptics."The majority of statements shown in electoral communications were those of party leaders, especially the leaders of the two biggest political groups, PO and PiS.They often displayed some form of spitefulness, invective, or slogans referring to internal politics.They rarely referred to crucial matters, i.e. to the so-called »European topics«.We are definitely dealing with an over-personalization of the way of relating the course of the campaign by reducing it to verbal skirmishes between the leaders of PO and PiS" [ibid.].It seems that the way in which the campaign was conducted also influenced the involvement of voters, who often become bored with politicians' personal "issues".CBOS research shows the weaknesses of the campaign, of its reach, and its informational quality.Only 11% of respondents said that they gained "much" information from the campaign about candidates from their own voting districts.Almost half (48%) of respondents received "not much" information, and two fifths (39%) received no information.To compare, in reference to the campaign preceding local elections in 2010, 22% of Poles declared that the campaign informed them well about the candidates, and 24% stated that they were not informed at all [CBOS announcement, Odbiór kampanii wyborczej i aktywność…, p. 3].
What the research has shown, however, is that potential voters had little knowledge about the propositions of particular political parties taking part in the "race" to the European Parliament.

PARTIES AND PROGRAMS IN 2014
The following analysis is an attempt to answer the question of how important the issues related to Polish membership in the EU, the economic crisis in the Eurozone, or the conflict in Ukraine were for particular political parties involved in the EP elections.What was their attitude towards other problems related to Polish membership or the functioning of the EU especially those concerning economic and socio-cultural issues?To answer these questions, there was made an analysis of program documents of all parties involved in the elections to the European Parliament in 2014, as well as of the statements of political party leaders (largely posted on the Internet, i.e. on political groups' websites).The analysis was conducted with consideration of three aspects: -political: expansion of the Eurozone into Poland, the possibility to block treaties by particular member states, a common foreign policy in the Union, the idea of "European solidarity" (as a supremacy of EU interest over national particular interests), an evaluation of the integration process, and the potential sanctions put on Russia by the EU; -economic: the commercialization and privatization of the health care system, the problem of the state's intervention in the economy, environmental protection at the cost of economic development, and cost-cutting as a form of fighting against the economic crisis, and staff redundancies; − moral-religious: the possibility of legalizing civil unions between homosexuals, the legalization of abortion and marijuana for personal use, the possibility of allowing trading on Sundays and holidays, the introduction of sexual education into schools, the separation of church and state through the removal of religious symbols from the public sphere, as well as disallowing the financing of the church through public funds.The results of the analysis are presented in the tables below.Movement], a coalition created for the needs of these particular elections).
The program concentrated on selected priorities, mainly on electoral rights of citizens, employment rights, and consumer rights.2. As expected, the parties that took part in the elections do not devote much attention to presentations of their electoral programs; these would give voters answers to their questions about what the representatives of a given party would like to achieve in the European Parliament.The majority of programs contain only general declarations.3. Often, the parties' attitudes to key issues in Poland's membership in the EU are ambiguous.Instead of focusing on a homogeneous set of areas in European politics, they focus on selected issues -which often vary widely -that it is difficult to compare.for this reason, making conclusions about their attitudes to particular problems necessitates an analysis of statements made by the party leaders.4. As expected again, in their programs, the political groups often fail to concentrate on issues related to the EU and on the activities of the EP; instead, they concentrate on matters that are important for internal policy, such as privatization, the growth of Polish enterprise, changes in the Polish Constitution, or even changes in the country's political regime. 5.The political programs do not raise the issues of potential institutional changes in the European Union.We only find certain elements related to attitudes towards the future of the EU. 6. Parties differ in terms of extent of subsidiarity (allowed mainly in financial areas of cohesion policy) and European solidarity (PiS states that EU's role has to be only accessory, it should not take precedence over the national interest -different meaning of solidarity).7. finally, which is typical in matter of electoral programs in European elections, they focused on internal problems, mostly of moral and religious character.These issues are widely discussed all over the EU: abortion, legalisation of drug use, homosexual marriage, ban on trade on Sundays or holidays.They are concerning basic human rights and a freedom of choice and sometimes have some economic repercussion (trade on Sunday and holiday).European Parliament is considered as a forum for discussion and agreement.These issues might find some solution and become a part of European legal order and then be implemented to national legal systems.However, it is more possible that these issues are raised bearing in mind next national elections.It is difficult to disagree with the statement of A. fuksiewicz that Polish parties do not attach much importance to presenting election programs which would give voters an answer to the question, what members of the party in Parliament would like to achieve.These are not programs but rather ideological manifests.

PSL
The party is against the legalization of homosexual unions.PSL is against abortion and for stricter legal regulations concerning abortion.When voting on bills for stricter prohibition of abortion (the ban would concern a fetus diagnosed with a defect) and a complete ban on abortion -both civic projects -the PSL representatives voted for referring the bills to further amendment by the committee [http://www.tvn24.pl/wiadomosci-z-kraju,3/wsejmie-debata-o-aborcji-pis--psl-i-sp-chca-dalszych-pracnad-obywatelskim-projektem, 357840.html;http:// wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/po-sld-i-rp-przeciw-pro-jektowi-dot-aborcji-pis-psl--i-sp-za-dalszymi-pracami/ 0196 final] [EC: Report from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions.Towards more democratic European Parliament elections.Report on the implementation of the Commission's recommendations of 12 March 2013 on enhancing the democratic and efficient conduct of the elections to the European Parliament, Brussels, 12 March 2014].
2]. Likely due to this lack of interest and commitment, the voter turnout in the EP elections in May of this year was at a record low level, with only 23.83% of those eligible voting [according to the National Electoral Commission, http://pe2014.pkw.gov.pl/pl/].It should be noted that most of the citizens of our country (89%) support Polish membership in the EU [CBOS announcement, 10 lat członkostwa Polski w Unii Europejskiej (Ten years of Polish membership in the EU), April 2014, p. 1].It seems that the scant interest of the Polish public in the elections is connected to its assessment of the process of membership -almost half of Poles (47%) have neutral feelings about Poland's membership in the EU.Research shows a clear prevalence of people with positive judgments (37%) over those with negative ones (12%) [Dudkiewicz, fuksiewicz, Kucharczyk, Łada 2013: 7].Support for Poland's integration with the EU is also influenced, in some way, by political affiliation.Practically, all supporters of PO (Civic Platform) and SLD (Democratic Left Alliance) make up a potential electorate for Poland's EU membership.Opponents can be found in sympathizers of PiS (Law and Justice) and PSL (Polish People's Party), although they are not numerous [10 lat członkostwa…, p. 3].At the same time, Poles have a positive assessment of the European Parliament and the European Commission.The relatively positive attitude of surveyed Poles towards the EU is in stark contrast to their lack of knowledge about its institutions.Only 40% of recently surveyed Poles know that the European Parliament is an elected body, which marks a 17% drop compared to the previous survey done just after the elections in 2009.Twenty-seven percent of those surveyed believe that members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are chosen by deputies in the Sejm and by senators within their own circle; 14% believe that they are nominated by the government; and 19% have no opinion [ibid.].Poles also lack an awareness of the function of the EP.While it is true that the EP's predecessor, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) played only a consultative role, after 1979 (from the time of the first direct elections to the EP) the various union treaties that followed gradually increased the EP's powers.Currently, the European Parliament is involved in decisions concerning the Union's budget, or the rules of Europe's interior market, for instance.Thus, it is involved in issues that directly influence Europeans' daily lives.Graph 1.Interest among Poles in the elections to the EP Source: CBOS announcement, Zainteresowanie wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego, february 2014 (A.Cybulska, p. 5).At the same time, Poles have little knowledge about what Polish MEPs actually do.They are also critical of their work.Nearly half of those surveyed by CBOS be-lieve that Polish MEPs do not care enough about the interests of our country, while 40% believe otherwise.forty-three percent are satisfied with the way Polish MEPs represent the country, while an almost equal number (41%) are unsatisfied.Nearly 4 of every 10 surveyed individuals (39%) opine that Polish MEPs are less active than they should be on the European forum, whereas 33% of respondents rate their activity positively [CBOS announcement, Polscy eurodeputowani i wybory do Parlamentu Europejskiego (Polish representatives to the European Parliament and the elections to the EP), March 2014 (M.feliksiak, p. 1)].It appears that these negative assessments might also be the causes of Poles' scant interest in the elections to the EP.Towards the end of the previous term in the EP, when voter turnout had been better, Poles' attitudes towards their own MEPs was much more favorable than now, and their assessment of the MEPs' activity was generally positive [ibid.].
Yet even in this subchapter, the political declarations are of a very general nature and make reference to noble slogans connected to integration, (such as equality, European solidarity) rather than answering concrete questions related to Poland's membership in the EU.In turn, PO presented an electoral manifesto specially prepared for the needs of the electoral campaign to the European Parliament, yet this is also a document of a general nature.PSL published three documents, but none of them can be considered an electoral program.Instead of specific postulates, it contains CONCLUSIONS 1.The political party programs analyzed above differed in length, form, and content [fuksiewicz 2014: 4]. for instance, PiS presented a comprehensive program for 2014 that primarily included domestic affairs.European affairs were not distinguished in the program in any way; only one chapter was dedicated to foreign policy and it includes the subchapter European Integration -membership in the European Union.only ideological declarations.SLD failed to present any individual program, and it only referenced the manifesto of the Party of European Socialists, to which it belongs; and translated only the main theses of this European party.The most complete document, when it comes to issues related to activity in the EP, came from Twój Ruch (as Europa Plus Twój Ruch [Europe Plus Your

Table 1 .
An analysis of political parties' positions on the European Union and its politics

Abbreviation of a political party's name CRITERIA Position on Poland's entry into the Eurozone Position on the possibility of member states blocking treaties Positions on a common European foreign policy Position on the concept of "European solidarity" Position on Poland's membership in the EU Position on implement-
used as a form of pressure.This was so, for instance, in the case of the climate package.[http:// wysokie napiecie.pl/energety-ka-konwencjonalna/308-polskaniepotrzebnie-straszy-wetem--klimatycznym,accessed: 11.04.2014].PO treats Poland's accession into the EU as a historical opportunity [D.Tusk's preamble to PO's electoral program, Następny krok razem (Taking the next step together), pp.9-10].According to PO, "With the accession to the EU, but also thanks to globalization, the lines between foreign and domestic policy are blurring.It is on the Union forum that decisions are made concerning 2/3 of our legislation.foreign politics thus concerns the whole of our political activity and that is why it must spring from domestic interests and be firmly rooted in the country's economic interests.All external actions of the Tusk government aim at supporting steady growth of the economy and of wealth, ensuring the safety of the country and its citizens, increasing the chances of modernizing the country and strengthening its international position."[Electoral program of PO, Następny krok razem (Taking the next step together), p. 89].PO leaders are for a solidary Europe, according to which wealthier regions should support the development of poorer regions in order to balance differences in development, [http://www.filipkaczmarek.pl/prezydencja.html,accessed: 11.04.2014].

name CRITERIA Position on Poland's entry into the Eurozone Position on the possibility of member states blocking treaties Positions on a common European foreign policy Position on the concept of "European solidarity" Position on Poland's membership in the EU Position on implement-
th Congress of PSL, p. 29].Within the EU, PSL wants primarily to realize a common foreign policy, security policy, and a common system of justice and internal affairs.An appropriate policy for Poland in the EU should contribute to building Poland's international position.In matters that are especially important or difficult for Poland, the country should work together with other EU members, or at least try to coordinate its politics within the politics of the Union.On the other hand, the EU should also consider Poland's position within union politics.The EU should also become an instrument with which to build good relations with neighbors, especially with Germans, who, having an especially strong position in the EU, are very important to Poles.[http://www.klub.psl.pl/polska-polityka-zagraniczna.html#.U0ezdaIufQA; POLSKIE_ PRIORYTETY_EUROPEJ-SKIEJ_POLITYKI_PSL, accessed: 10.04.2014].PSL is in favor of balanced regional development in the country and in the EU."To do this, we want to tap into domestic and EU resources, stimulate the activity of local groups, give more support to the poorest regions" [Deklaracja wyborcza Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego.Wspólnie dla Polski i Europy.Polskie priorytety europejskiej polityki (Electoral Declaration of the Polish People's Party.Together for Poland and Europe.Polish priorities in PSL's European politics,, p. 3)].It is PSL's belief that is traditionally rural [Program Documents from the 10 th

name CRITERIA Position on Poland's entry into the Eurozone Position on the possibility of member states blocking treaties Positions on a common European foreign policy Position on the concept of "European solidarity" Position on Poland's membership in the EU Position on implement-
[Program SLD.Jutro bez obaw.Program dla Polski (SLD Program.Tomorrow without fear.A Program for Poland), p. 82].The party wants to effectively reconcile national interests with those of the EU as a whole [Program SLD.Jutro bez obaw…, p. 24].SLD believes that Poland should support development and actively participate in the Common foreign and Security Policy (CfSP) of the European Union [Program SLD.Jutro bez obaw.Program dla Polski (SLD Program.Tomorrow without fear .A Program for Poland), p. 82].One of its main postulates is a solidary and fraternal nation.In SLD's Declaration of its ideas and program, one of its most fundamental values is "Observing the rule of social justice, a just distribution of goods along with a fair apportioning of the costs of the crisis."[Deklaracja ideowo-programowa SLD (Declaration of SLD's ideas and program, Warsaw, 10.12.2011].In the party program we can find the following: "(…) We do not believe in a ruthless primacy of financial institutions over the economic situation of citizens.for that reason SLD will act in support of those powers and concepts that in the hour of crisis will put the good of people first and fight for a fair apportionment of costs (…)." [Program SLD.Jutro bez obaw.Program dla Polski (SLD Program.Tomorrow without fear .A Program for Poland), p. 8] and "The Polish vision of the European Union must include a civilizational model thanks to which it will be possible to create international order based on a sense of responsibility and global solidarity (…) At the same time -for the EU to be able to develop harmoniously -European solidarity must be strengthened.The distribution of wealth lies in the interest of Europe and the whole world."[Program SLD.Jutro bez obaw…, p. 24].

Table 2 .
An analysis of political parties' positions on economic issues

Table 3 .
An analysis of political parties' attitudes towards moral and religious issues

name CRITERIA Position on the possibility of legalizing unions of homo- sexual couples Position on abortion Position on the legality of marijuana possession for personal use Position on the possibility of trading on Sundays and holidays Position on the introduc- tion of sexual education in schools Position on religious symbols in the public sphere and the financing of the church through public funds
position on this issue is not unanimous [http://wiadomosci.wp.pl/kat,1342,opage,6,title,Tusk-zabral-glos-ws-krzyza-w-sejmie, wid,13892222, wiadomosc.html?t-icaid=112852; http:// wiadomosci.onet.pl/kraj/projekt-uchwaly-pisws-krzyza-do-dalszych-prac-wsejmie/rghqq; http://www.fakt.pl/ Niesiolowski-ostro-o-Paliko-cie-i-zdejmowaniu-krzyza,artykuly, 133620,1.html,accessed: 11.04.2014].The conservative fraction of PO is in favor of leaving the cross in the public sphere, as "a symbol of religious pain and a sign of God's love for people, and in the public sphere -a reminder about readiness for sacrifice for another human being and oblation.The cross represents values that build respect for the dignity of every human being, the rights of every human being, and the rights of communities."[quotation from the bill concerning the freedom of religion -signed by 10 representatives from PO]. PO proposes the eliminations of the Church fund and instead implementing the possibility of writing off 0.3% of income tax for churches and religious associations.These would -according to the party's proposition -independently pay contributions for social security and health care for the clergy [http://www.idziemy.com.pl/kosciol/rzad-i-episkopat-z-nadzieja-po-roz-mowach-ws-finansowania-kosciola/; http://www.tvpparlament.pl/ aktualnosci/jak-finansowac-kosciol-dzis-kolejne-spotkanie/, accessed: 11.04.2014].
PSL is a political party that includes itself in the Christian-democratic current, thus in matters of worldview it relies on the social teachings of the Church.At the same time, the party's lack of clearly defined attitudes towards these issues in the program is a result of the party's principle that PSL representatives are not obligated to practice party discipline.The party believes that each representative should vote according to his/her own conscience, although he/she should always take Church teachings as a basis.However, party members' statements show that they are for leaving religious symbols in the public sphere [http://wpolityce.pl/polityka/120993-po-pis-psl-za-tym-by-krzyz-pozostal-w-sejmieinicjatywe-palikota-popiera-rzekomo-slaski-senator-kutz; http:// wiadomosci.onet.pl/tylko-w-onecie/walka-o-wolnosc-religii-w-eu-ropie-sukces-polityka-z-polski/nedvs, accessed: 10.04.2014].PSL did not support its coalition partner, PO, on the issue of liquidating the Church fund, as spoken by one of the group's leaders, Marek Sawicki:"This is not a proposition of the government, this is Michał Boni's idea."[http:/ /wyborcza.pl/1, 76842,11368838, PSL__Podatek_na_kosciol__To_ nie_nasz_pomysl.html#ixzz2yt-Se4thk,accessed:10.04.2014].ja..., p. 25].One of the party's stipulations is the absence of religious symbols in public life (including schools) and no financing of the Church from public funds."An open, secular country that guards the law and freedom, should create conditions for free, pluralistic social life, free of hate, insecurities, and xenophobia.A common nation rich in diversity must be a secular nation, governed by law and not the arbitrary will of politicians and officials."[Deklaracja i tezy programowe (Declaration and program theses), twójruch.eu,p. 9]."We demand respect for Article 25.2 in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, according to which 'public authorities in the Republic of Poland maintain impartiality in matters of religious conviction, ideology, and philosophy, ensuring the freedom of their expression in public life.'This rule obligates governmental organs to ensure that in governing and legislation they will not favor atheism, religiosity, or any religious or secular ideological systems.Citizens must have the certainty that in matters of ideology, the government will exercise the utmost restraint and refrain from establishing laws on the basis of any religious or philosophical convictions.Instead, they should leave as much room for our choice as possible.No church can have greater privileges than others in state life -The absence of religious symbols in offices, schools, etc., should be the proof of the impartiality of the state."[Deklaracja…, p. 33]."Though it is a fact that a large part of taxpayers are Catholics it does not follow that we can fund things such as catechism or the field Ordinariate from public finances (therefore, money paid by non-Catholics as well).funds for such activities should come entirely from collections organized in the Church."[Deklaracja…, p. 34].